United Kingdom/Great Britain
Theresa May's Guildhall Speech Pushing Globalisation
14 November 2016
Theresa May gives a first speech on
foreign policy. She is pushing the Bilderberg's New World
Order policy of "globalisation" (worldwide Communism). She pretends to empathise with the
people, while she actually despises you. Easy proof - look at her six+ years of
failure as home secretary.
Theresa May
The First Speech As Prime
Minister
13 July 2016
I have just been to Buckingham
Palace, where Her Majesty the Queen has asked me to form a new government, and
I accepted. In David Cameron, I follow in the footsteps of a great, modern
Prime Minister. Under David’s leadership, the Government stabilised the
economy, reduced the budget deficit, and helped more people into work than ever
before. But David’s true legacy is not about the economy, but about social
justice. From the introduction of same sex marriage, to taking people on low
wages out of income tax altogether, David Cameron has led a one nation
government, and it is in that spirit that I also plan to lead. Because not
everybody knows this, but the full title of my party is the Conservative and
Unionist Party. And that word unionist is very important to me.
It means we believe in the union, the
precious, precious bond between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
But it means something else that is just as important, it means we believe in a
union not just between the nations of the United Kingdom, but between all of
our citizens, every one of us, whoever we are and wherever we are
from. That means fighting against the burning injustice that if you’re
born poor you will die on average nine years earlier than others. If you’re
black, you’re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if
you’re white. If you’re a white, working class boy, you’re less likely than
anybody else in Britain to go to university. If you’re at a state school,
you’re less likely to reach the top professions than if you’re educated
privately. If you’re a woman, you will earn less than a man. If you suffer from
mental health problems, there’s not enough help to hand. If you’re young,
you’ll find it harder than ever before to own your own home.
But the mission to make Britain a
country that works for everyone means more than fighting these injustices. If
you’re from an ordinary working class family, life is much harder than many
people in Westminster realise. You have a job but you don’t always have job
security. You have your own home but you worry about paying the mortgage. You
can just about manage, but you worry about the cost of living and getting your
kids into a good school. If you’re one of those families, if you’re just
managing, I want to address you directly. I know you’re working around the
clock, I know you’re doing your best and I know that sometimes life can be a
struggle. The Government I lead will be driven, not by the interests of the
privileged few, but by yours. We will do everything we can to give you more
control over your lives. When we take the big calls, we’ll think not of
the powerful, but you. When we pass new laws, we’ll listen not to the mighty,
but to you. When it comes to taxes, we’ll prioritise not the wealthy, but you.
When it comes to opportunity, we won’t entrench the advantages of the fortunate
few, we will do everything we can to help anybody, whatever your background, to
go as far as your talents will take you.
We are living through an important
moment in our country’s history. Following the referendum, we face a time of
great national change. And I know because we’re Great Britain that we will rise
to the challenge. As we leave the European Union, we will forge a bold, new,
positive role for ourselves in the world, and we will make Britain a country
that works not for a privileged few, but for every one of us.
That will be the mission of the
Government I lead. And together, we will build a better Britain.
Theresa May’s Conference Speech
5 October 2016
www.telegraph.co.uk/news
When we came to Birmingham this week,
some big questions were hanging in the air.
Do we have a plan for Brexit? We do.
Are we ready for the effort it will
take to see it through? We are.
Can Boris Johnson stay on message for
a full four days? Just about.
But I know there’s another big
question people want me to answer.
What’s my vision for Britain? My
philosophy? My approach?
Today I want to answer that question
very directly.
I want to set out my vision for
Britain after Brexit.
I want to lay out my approach – the
things I believe.
I want to explain what a country that
works for everyone means.
I want to set our party and our
country on the path towards the new centre ground of British politics…
built on the values of fairness and
opportunity…
where everyone plays by the same
rules and where every single person – regardless of their background, or that
of their parents – is given the chance to be all they want to be.
And as I do so, I want to be clear
about something else: that a vision is nothing without the determination to see
it through.
No vision ever built a business by
itself. No vision ever clothed a family or fed a hungry child. No vision ever
changed a country on its own.
You need to put the hours in and the
effort too.
But if you do, great things can
happen. Great changes can occur.
And be in no doubt, that’s what
Britain needs today.
Because in June people voted for
change. And a change is going to come.
Change has got to come because as we
leave the European Union and take control of our own destiny, the task of
tackling some of Britain’s long-standing challenges – like how to train enough
people to do the jobs of the future – becomes ever more urgent.
But change has got to come too
because of the quiet revolution that took place in our country just three
months ago – a revolution in which millions of our fellow citizens stood up and
said they were not prepared to be ignored anymore.
Because this is a turning point for
our country.
A once-in-a-generation chance to
change the direction of our nation for good.
To step back and ask ourselves what
kind of country we want to be.
Let’s be clear: we have come a long
way over the past six years.
We’ve brought the deficit down.
Got more people into work than ever
before.
Taken the lowest paid out of income
tax.
Established a new National Living
Wage.
Helped nearly a million new business
to set up and grow.
Got almost one and a half million
more children into good or outstanding schools.
Put record investment into the NHS.
Created nearly 3 million new
apprenticeships.
And brought crime down by more than a
quarter to its lowest ever level.
That’s a record of which we should
all be proud.
And this morning it’s right that we
pause to say thank you to the man who made that possible. A man who challenged
us to change and told us that if we did then we would win again.
And he was right. We did change. We
did win. The first majority Conservative Government in almost 25 years.
A great leader of our party – a great
servant to our country.
David Cameron, thank you.
But now we need to change again. For
the referendum was not just a vote to withdraw from the EU. It was about
something broader – something that the European Union had come to represent.
It was about a sense – deep, profound
and let’s face it often justified – that many people have today that the world
works well for a privileged few, but not for them.
It was a vote not just to change
Britain’s relationship with the European Union, but to call for a change in the
way our country works – and the people for whom it works – forever.
Knock on almost any door in almost
any part of the country, and you will find the roots of the revolution laid
bare.
Our society should work for everyone,
but if you can’t afford to get onto the property ladder, or your child is stuck
in a bad school, it doesn’t feel like it’s working for you.
Our economy should work for everyone,
but if your pay has stagnated for several years in a row and fixed items of
spending keep going up, it doesn’t feel like it’s working for you.
Our democracy should work for
everyone, but if you’ve been trying to say things need to change for years and
your complaints fall on deaf ears, it doesn’t feel like it’s working for you.
And the roots of the revolution run
deep. Because it wasn’t the wealthy who made the biggest sacrifices after the
financial crash, but ordinary, working class families.
And if you’re one of those people who
lost their job, who stayed in work but on reduced hours, took a pay cut as
household bills rocketed, or – and I know a lot of people don’t like to admit
this – someone who finds themselves out of work or on lower wages because of
low-skilled immigration, life simply doesn’t seem fair.
It feels like your dreams have been
sacrificed in the service of others.
So change has got to come.
Because if we don’t respond – if we
don’t take this opportunity to deliver the change people want – resentments
will grow. Divisions will become entrenched.
And that would be a disaster for
Britain.
Because the lesson of Britain is that
we are a country built on the bonds of family, community, citizenship.
Of strong institutions and a strong
society.
The country of my parents who
instilled in me a sense of public service and of public servants everywhere who
want to give something back.
The parent who works hard all week
but takes time out to coach the kids football team at the weekend.
The local family business in my
constituency that’s been serving the community for more than 50 years.
The servicemen and women I met last
week who wear their uniform proudly at home and serve our nation with honour
abroad.
A country of decency, fairness and
quiet resolve.
And a successful country – small in
size but large in stature – that with less than 1% of the world’s population
boasts more Nobel Laureates than any country outside the United States… with
three more added again just yesterday – two of whom worked here in this great
city.
A country that boasts three of the
top ten universities in the world. The world’s leading financial capital. And
institutions like the NHS and BBC whose reputations echo in some of the
farthest corners of the globe.
All possible because we are one
United Kingdom – England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – and I will
always fight to preserve our proud, historic Union and will never let divisive
nationalists drive us apart.
Yet within our society today, we see
division and unfairness all around. Between a more prosperous older generation
and a struggling younger generation. Between the wealth of London and the rest
of the country.
But perhaps most of all, between the
rich, the successful and the powerful – and their fellow citizens.
Now don’t get me wrong. We applaud
success. We want people to get on.
But we also value something else: the
spirit of citizenship.
That spirit that means you respect
the bonds and obligations that make our society work. That means a commitment
to the men and women who live around you, who work for you, who buy the goods
and services you sell.
That spirit that means recognising
the social contract that says you train up local young people before you take
on cheap labour from overseas.
That spirit that means you do as
others do, and pay your fair share of tax.
But today, too many people in
positions of power behave as though they have more in common with international
elites than with the people down the road, the people they employ, the people
they pass in the street.
But if you believe you’re a citizen
of the world, you’re a citizen of nowhere. You don’t understand what the very
word ‘citizenship’ means.
So if you’re a boss who earns a
fortune but doesn’t look after your staff…
An international company that treats
tax laws as an optional extra…
A household name that refuses to work
with the authorities even to fight terrorism…
A director who takes out massive
dividends while knowing that the company pension is about to go bust…
I’m putting you on warning. This
can’t go on anymore.
A change has got to come. And this
party – the Conservative Party – is going to make that change.
So today, I want to set out my plan
for a Britain where everyone plays by the same rules and every person has the
opportunity to be all they want to be.
It’s a plan to tackle the unfairness
and injustice that divides us, so that we may build a new united Britain,
rooted in the centre ground.
A plan that will mean government
stepping up. Righting wrongs. Challenging vested interests. Taking big
decisions. Doing what we believe to be right. Getting the job done.
Because that’s the good that
government can do. And it’s what I’m in this for. To stand up for the weak and
stand up to the strong.
And to put the power of government
squarely at the service of ordinary working-class people.
Because too often that isn’t how it
works today.
Just listen to the way a lot of
politicians and commentators talk about the public.
They find your patriotism
distasteful, your concerns about immigration parochial, your views about crime
illiberal, your attachment to your job security inconvenient.
They find the fact that more than seventeen
million voters decided to leave the European Union simply bewildering.
Because if you’re well off and
comfortable, Britain is a different country and these concerns are not your
concerns. It’s easy to dismiss them – easy to say that all you want from
government is for it to get out of the way.
But a change has got to come. It’s
time to remember the good that government can do.
Time for a new approach that says
while government does not have all the answers, government can and should be a
force for good;
that the state exists to provide what
individual people, communities and markets cannot;
and that we should employ the power
of government for the good of the people.
Time to reject the ideological
templates provided by the socialist left and the libertarian right and to
embrace a new centre ground in which government steps up – and not back – to
act on behalf of us all.
Providing security from crime, but
from ill health and unemployment too.
Supporting free markets, but stepping
in to repair them when they aren’t working as they should.
Encouraging business and supporting
free trade, but not accepting one set of rules for some and another for
everyone else.
And if we do – if we act to correct
unfairness and injustice and put government at the service of ordinary working
people – we can build that new united Britain in which everyone plays by the
same rules, and in which the powerful and the privileged no longer ignore the
interests of the people.
Only we can do it. Because the main
lesson I take from their conference last week is that the Labour Party is not
just divided, but divisive.
Determined to pit one against
another. To pursue vendettas and settle scores. And to embrace the politics of
pointless protest that simply pulls people further apart.
That’s what Labour stands for today.
Fighting among themselves. Abusing their own MPs. Threatening to end their
careers. Tolerating anti-Semitism and supporting voices of hate.
You know what some people call them?
The nasty party.
And with Labour divided, divisive and
out-of-touch, we have a responsibility to step up, represent and govern for the
whole nation.
So where Labour build barriers, we
will build bridges.
That means tackling unfairness and
injustice, and shifting the balance of Britain decisively in favour of ordinary
working class people.
Giving them access to the
opportunities that are too often the preserve of the privileged few.
Putting fairness at the heart of our
agenda and creating a country in which hard work is rewarded and talent is
welcome.
A nation where contribution matters
more than entitlement. Merit matters more than wealth.
A confident global Britain that
doesn’t turn its back on globalisation but ensures the benefits are shared by
all.
A country that is prosperous and
secure, so every person may share in the wealth of the nation and live their
life free from fear.
That’s what I mean by a country that
works for everyone.
And if we believe in the good that
government can do, it’s important for people to trust us to deliver the change
they need.
We can start – as I said on Sunday –
by doing something obvious. And that is to stop quibbling, respect what the
people told us on the 23rd of June – and take Britain out of the European
Union.
Because it took that typically
British quiet resolve for people to go out and vote as they did: to defy the
establishment, to ignore the threats, to make their voice heard.
So let us have that same resolve now.
And let’s be clear about what is
going to happen.
Article Fifty – triggered no later
than the end of March.
A Great Repeal Bill to get rid of the
European Communities Act – introduced in the next Parliamentary session.
Our laws made not in Brussels but in
Westminster.
Our judges sitting not in Luxembourg
but in courts across the land.
The authority of EU law in this
country ended forever.
The people told us they wanted these
things – and this Conservative Government is going to deliver them.
It is, of course, too early to say
exactly what agreement we will reach with the EU. It’s going to be a tough
negotiation, it will require some give and take. And while there will always be
pressure to give a running commentary, it will not be in our national interest
to do so.
But let me be clear about the
agreement we seek.
I want it to reflect the strong and
mature relationships we enjoy with our European friends.
I want it to include cooperation on
law enforcement and counter-terrorism work.
I want it to involve free trade, in
goods and services.
I want it to give British companies
the maximum freedom to trade with and operate within the Single Market – and
let European businesses do the same here.
But let’s state one thing loud and
clear: we are not leaving the European Union only to give up control of
immigration all over again. And we are not leaving only to return to the
jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. That’s not going to happen.
We are leaving to become, once more,
a fully sovereign and independent country – and the deal is going to have to
work for Britain.
And that Britain – the Britain we
build after Brexit – is going to be a Global Britain.
Because while we are leaving the European
Union, we will not leave the continent of Europe. We will not abandon our
friends and allies abroad. And we will not retreat from the world.
In fact, now is the time to forge a
bold, new, confident role for ourselves on the world stage.
Keeping our promises to the poorest
people in the world.
Providing humanitarian support for
refugees in need.
Taking the lead on cracking down on
modern slavery wherever it is found.
Ratifying the Paris Agreement on
Climate Change.
Always acting as the strongest and
most passionate advocate for free trade right across the globe.
And always committed to a strong
national defence and supporting the finest Armed Forces known to man.
And this week, our excellent Defence
Secretary, Michael Fallon, proved not only that we will support them with our
hearts and souls. Not only will we remain committed to spending two per cent of
our national income on defence.
But we will never again – in any
future conflict – let those activist, left-wing human rights lawyers harangue
and harass the bravest of the brave – the men and women of Britain’s Armed
Forces.
It’s about restoring fairness –
something that must be at the heart of everything we do. Supporting those who
do the right thing, who make a contribution.
Helping those who give something
back.
And that’s at the heart of my plan
for our economy too.
An economy that’s fair and where
everyone plays by the same rules.
That means acting to tackle some of
the economy’s structural problems that hold people back.
Things like the shortage of affordable
homes. The need to make big decisions on – and invest in – our infrastructure.
The need to rebalance the economy across sectors and areas in order to spread
wealth and prosperity around the country.
Politicians have talked about this
for years. But the trouble is that this kind of change will never just happen
by itself. If that’s what we want, we need the vision and determination to see
it through.
That’s why Philip Hammond and Greg
Clark are working on a new industrial strategy to address those long-term
structural challenges and get Britain firing on all cylinders again.
It’s not about picking winners,
propping up failing industries, or bringing old companies back from the dead.
It’s about identifying the industries
that are of strategic value to our economy and supporting and promoting them
through policies on trade, tax, infrastructure, skills, training, and research
and development.
It’s about doing what every other
major and growing economy in the world does.
Not just sitting back and seeing what
happens – but putting in place a plan and getting on with the job.
So we will identify the sectors of
the economy – financial services, yes, but life sciences, tech, aerospace, car
manufacturing, the creative industries and many others – that are of strategic
importance to our economy, and do everything we can to encourage, develop and
support them.
And we will identify the places that
have the potential to contribute to economic growth and become the homes to
millions of new jobs.
That means inspiring an economic and
cultural revival of all of our great regional cities.
We have made a start.
Thanks to George Osborne’s Northern
Powerhouse, over the past year, foreign direct investment in the North has
increased at double the rate of the rest of the country.
Here in Birmingham, thanks to the
incredible Jaguar Land Rover, the West Midlands is the only part of the country
to run a trade surplus with China.
And across the region, the Midlands
Engine is on track to deliver 300,000 more jobs by 2020.
Now it’s time to build on that
success – in Birmingham and Manchester and in other cities across the country.
And as we are here in Birmingham this
week, let us show our support for the Conservative Party’s candidate for next
year’s mayoral election.
A success in business running John
Lewis. An action man in Birmingham, playing his part in transforming this city.
A man to get things done, the future Mayor of the West Midlands – Andy Street.
An economy that works for everyone is
an economy where everyone plays by the same rules.
I understand the frustration people
feel when they see the rich and the powerful getting away with things that they
themselves wouldn’t dream of doing. And they wouldn’t get away with if they
tried.
I understand that because I feel it
too.
There’s always an excuse – a reason
why something can’t be done – but when that is used as a basis for inaction,
faith in capitalism and free markets falls.
The Conservative Party will always
believe in free markets. And that’s precisely why it’s this party that should
act to defend them.
From Edmund Burke onwards,
Conservatives have always understood that if you want to preserve something
important, you need to be prepared to reform it. We must apply that same
approach today.
That’s why where markets are
dysfunctional, we should be prepared to intervene.
Where companies are exploiting the
failures of the market in which they operate, where consumer choice is
inhibited by deliberately complex pricing structures, we must set the market
right.
It’s just not right, for example,
that half of people living in rural areas, and so many small businesses, can’t
get a decent broadband connection.
It’s just not right that two thirds
of energy customers are stuck on the most expensive tariffs.
And it’s just not right that the
housing market continues to fail working people either.
Ask almost any question about social
fairness or problems with our economy, and the answer so often comes back to
housing.
High housing costs – and the growing
gap between those on the property ladder and those who are not – lie at the
heart of falling social mobility, falling savings and low productivity.
We will do everything we can to help
people financially so they can buy their own home. That’s why Help to Buy and
Right to Buy are the right things to do.
But as Sajid said in his bold speech
on Monday, there is an honest truth we need to address. We simply need to build
more homes.
This means using the power of
government to step in and repair the dysfunctional housing market.
It means using public sector land for
more and faster house building.
It means encouraging new technologies
that will help us to get more houses built faster. And putting in more
government investment too.
It means stepping up and doing what’s
right for Britain.
Making the market work for working
people.
Because that’s what government can
do.
And something else we need to do:
take big, sometimes even controversial, decisions about our country’s
infrastructure.
Because we need to get Britain firing
in all areas again.
It is why we will press ahead with
plans for High Speed 2, linking London and Birmingham and, eventually, towns
and cities in the North.
Why we will shortly announce a
decision on expanding Britain’s airport capacity.
And why – having reviewed the
evidence and added important new national security safeguards – we signed up to
Hinkley Point.
We will take the big decisions when
they’re the right decisions for Britain.
Because that’s what government can
do.
And we can make these big decisions
because our economy is strong and because of the fiscal discipline we have
shown over the last six years.
And we must continue to aim for a
balanced budget.
But to build an economy that works
for everyone, we must also invest in the things that matter, the things with a
long-term return.
That is how we will address the
weaknesses in our economy, improve our productivity, increase economic growth
and ensure everyone gets a fair share.
And that’s not the only reason.
Because while monetary policy – with
super-low interest rates and quantitative easing – provided the necessary
emergency medicine after the financial crash, we have to acknowledge there have
been some bad side effects.
People with assets have got richer.
People without them have suffered. People with mortgages have found their debts
cheaper. People with savings have found themselves poorer.
A change has got to come. And we are
going to deliver it.
Because that’s what a Conservative
Government can do.
This party will always be the party
of businesses large and small.
But we must acknowledge that the way
a small number of businesses behave fuels the frustration people feel.
It’s not the norm. I know that most
businesses and the people who run them are hardworking, entrepreneurial and
public spirited at heart.
But the actions of a few tar the
reputations of the many.
So the party that believes in
business is going to change things to help support it.
Too often the people who are supposed
to hold big business accountable are drawn from the same, narrow social and
professional circles as the executive team.
And too often the scrutiny they
provide is not good enough.
A change has got to come.
So later this year we will publish
our plans to have not just consumers represented on company boards, but workers
as well.
Because we are the party of workers.
Of those who put in the effort. Those who contribute and give of their best.
That’s why we announced on Saturday
that we’re going to review our laws to make sure that, in our modern and
flexible economy, people are properly protected at work.
That’s right.
Workers’ rights – not under threat
from a Conservative government.
Workers’ rights – protected and
enhanced by a Conservative government.
And let me say something about tax.
We’re all Conservatives here. We all
believe in a low-tax economy. But we also know that tax is the price we pay for
living in a civilised society.
Nobody, no individual tycoon and no
single business, however rich, has succeeded on their own.
Their goods are transported by road,
their workers are educated in schools, their customers are part of
sophisticated networks taking in the private sector, the public sector and
charities.
We’ve all played a part in that
success.
So it doesn’t matter to me who you
are.
If you’re a tax-dodger, we’re coming
after you.
If you’re an accountant, a financial
adviser or a middleman who helps people to avoid what they owe to society,
we’re coming after you too.
An economy that works for everyone is
one where everyone plays by the same rules.
So whoever you are you – however rich
or powerful – you have a duty to pay your tax.
And we’re going to make sure you do.
This is a big agenda for change. But
it is necessary and essential.
It is a programme for government to
act to create an economy that works for everyone – an economy that’s on the
side of ordinary working class people.
And an economy that can support the
vital public services and institutions upon which we all rely – to invest in
the things we hold dear.
Like the NHS – one of the finest
health care systems anywhere in the world, and a vital national institution.
An institution that reflects our
values, our belief in fairness, and in which we all take enormous pride.
And I mean all.
Because there is complete cross-party
support for the NHS.
For its status as a provider of
free-at-the-point-of-use health care. For the thousands of doctors and nurses
that work around the clock to care for their patients.
We all have a story about the nurse
who cared for a loved one, or a surgeon who saved the life of a friend.
So let us take this opportunity to
say to those doctors and nurses – thank you.
The NHS should unite us. But year
after year, election after election, Labour try to use it to divide us.
At every election since it was
established, Labour have said the Tories would cut the NHS – and every time we
have spent more on it.
Every election, they say we want to
privatise the NHS – and every time we have protected it.
In fact, the party that expanded the
use of the private sector in the NHS the fastest was not this party, but the
Labour Party.
The only party to ever cut spending
on the NHS is not this party, but the Labour Party – that’s what they did in
Wales.
And at the last election, it wasn’t
the Labour Party that pledged to give the NHS the money it asked for to meet
its five-year plan – it was this party, the Conservative Party…
investing an extra £10 billion in the
NHS – more than its leaders asked for…
and this year more patients are being
treated, and more operations are being carried out, by more doctors and more
nurses than ever before.
That’s a tribute to everyone who works
in the NHS.
But also to one man – Jeremy Hunt –
who is one of the most passionate advocates for patients and for the doctors,
nurses and others who work in our health service that I have ever known.
So let’s have no more of Labour’s
absurd belief that they have a monopoly on compassion.
Let’s put an end to their
sanctimonious pretence of moral superiority.
Let’s make clear that they have given
up the right to call themselves the party of the NHS, the party of the workers,
the party of public servants.
They gave up that right when they
adopted the politics of division. When their extreme ideological fixations led
them to simply stop listening to the country.
When they abandoned the centre
ground.
And let us take this opportunity to
show that we, the Conservative Party, truly are the party of the workers…
the party of public servants…
the party of the NHS.
Because we believe in public service.
We believe in investing in and supporting the institutions that make our
country great.
We believe in the good that
government can do.
Government cannot stand aside when it
sees social injustice and unfairness. If we want to make sure Britain is a
country that works for everyone, government has to act to make sure opportunity
is fairly shared.
And I want us to be a country where
it doesn’t matter where you were born, who your parents are, where you went to
school, what your accent sounds like, what god you worship, whether you’re a
man or a woman, gay or straight, or black or white.
All that should matter is the talent
you have and how hard you’re prepared to work.
But if we’re honest we’ll admit
that’s simply not the case for everyone today.
Advancement in today’s Britain is
still too often determined by wealth or circumstance.
By an accident of birth rather than
talent.
By privilege not merit.
Rebalancing our economy is a start,
but if we’re serious about overturning some of the longstanding injustices and
barriers that stop working people from getting on, we need that economic reform
to be allied with genuine and deep social reform too.
Because a society that works for
everyone is a society based on fairness. And only genuine social reform can
deliver it.
Genuine social reform means helping
more people onto the housing ladder. It means making sure every child has
access to a good school place.
It means never writing off people who
can work and consigning them to a life on benefits, but giving them the chance
to go out and earn a living and to enjoy the dignity that comes with a job well
done.
But for those who can’t work, we must
offer our full support – which is why it was so important that Damian Green
announced on Saturday that we will end the mandatory retesting of those with
chronic health conditions that only induces stress but does nothing at all to
help.
And genuine social reform means
addressing historic injustices that hold too many people back.
Some of my proudest moments as Home
Secretary came when we began to tackle deep-seated and long-standing problems
that few had dared to tackle before.
I introduced the first ever Modern
Slavery Act, bringing in tough new penalties to put slave masters behind bars,
with life sentences for the worst offenders.
I cut the police’s use of stop and
search by almost two thirds and reduced the disproportionate targeting of
young, black men.
And I know our impressive new Home
Secretary Amber Rudd is committed to carrying on that work.
But injustices remain.
If you are from a black Caribbean
background, you are three times more likely to be permanently excluded from
school than other children.
If you are a black woman, you are
seven times more likely to be detained under mental health legislation than a
white woman.
People in ethnic minority households
are almost twice as likely to live in relative poverty as white people.
But it is not just those from
minority backgrounds who are affected.
White working class boys are less
likely to go to university than any other group in society.
We cannot let this stand – not if a
country that works for everyone is the principle that binds us all together.
That’s why I have launched an
unprecedented audit of public services to shine a light on these racial
disparities and let us do something about them.
Because they are all burning
injustices, and I want this government – this Conservative Government – to
fight every single one of them.
A society that works for everyone is
one of fairness and opportunity. A society in which everyone has the chance to
go as far as their talents will take them.
That’s why in one of the first
speeches I gave as Prime Minister I set out my plans to transform Britain into
a Great Meritocracy.
And that starts in our schools.
I want Britain to be a country in which
every child has access to a good school place that’s right for that individual
child.
Because Britain after Brexit will
need to make use of all of the talent we have in this country.
We have come a long way.
Thanks to the free schools and
academies programme and the efforts of teachers, heads and governors, there are
now 1.4 million more children in good and outstanding schools compared with
2010.
But we need to go further. Because
there are still one and a quarter million children in schools that are just not
good enough.
And if you live in the Midlands or
the North, you have less chance of attending a good school than children in the
South.
This simply cannot go on.
That’s why Justine Greening and I
have set out a new package of reforms, building on Michael Gove’s success, to
increase the number of good school places across the country… so there’s not
just a school place for every child, but a good school place for every child. A
school place that suits the skills, interests and abilities of every single
pupil.
That is why we want more of our great
universities to set up or sponsor schools in the state sector – just as the
University of Birmingham has done, a few miles from here.
It’s why we are saying to the great
private schools that – in return for their charitable tax status – we want them
to do more to take on children without the means to pay, or set up and sponsor
good state schools.
It is why we want more good faith
schools for parents and pupils who want them.
And it is why we have said – where
there is demand from parents, where they will definitely take pupils from all
backgrounds, where they will play a part in improving the quality of all
schools in their area – we will lift the ban on establishing new grammar
schools too.
And here we see the challenge.
Because for too long politicians have
said to people and communities who are crying out for change that they can’t
have what they want.
They’ve said we don’t think you
should have it, even though we might enjoy those very same things for
ourselves.
And you end up in the absurd
situation where you stop these good, popular, life-changing schools from
opening – by law.
Imagine. Think of what that says.
If you’re rich or well off, you can
have a selective education for your child. You can send them to a selective
private school. You can move to a better catchment area or afford to send them
long distances to get the education you want.
But if you’re not, you can’t.
I can think of no better illustration
of the problem – why ordinary working class people think it’s one rule for
them, and another for everyone else.
Because the message we are sending
them is this: we will not allow their children to have the same opportunities
that wealthier children enjoy.
That is a scandal and we – the
Conservative Party – must bring it to an end.
So my vision is for Britain to be a
Great Meritocracy.
That’s what I’ve always believed in.
The cause that everything I have ever done in politics has been designed to
serve.
Because a country based on merit not
privilege, is a country that’s fair. And when we overcome unfairness and
injustice, we can build that new united Britain that we need.
And united, we can do great things.
We saw that in the summer in Rio. We
saw how individual success was powered by collective effort. How the dedication
and talent of one was supported by a united team.
And how a government’s determination
– John Major’s Conservative Government’s determination – to step up and back
Britain’s sporting success contributed to such a remarkable result.
We were honoured to welcome four
members of the team – Helen Richardson-Walsh, Dame Sarah Storey, Vicky Thornley
and Andrew Triggs-Hodge – to our conference on Monday.
And to them – and to every athlete
and every member of Team and Paralympics GB – we say, thank you. You did your
country proud.
It was a memorable summer for British
sport, but one moment stood out for me above all other.
It was not from Rio. It happened
later. Just a couple of weeks ago on the sun-drenched streets of Cozumel in
Mexico.
There, our celebrated triathlon
champion Jonny Brownlee was heading for glory, the finishing line in sight,
when he faltered. Stopped. And was falling exhausted to the ground.
And just behind him, his brother
Alistair – a tough competitor who typically yields to no one – had the chance
to run on and steal the prize.
But seeing his brother’s struggle, he
didn’t pass on by. As other competitors ran past, he stopped. Reached out his
hand. And gently carried him home.
And there in that moment, we saw
revealed an essential truth. That we succeed or fail together. We achieve
together or fall short together.
And when one among us falters, our
most basic human instinct is to put our own self-interest aside, to reach out
our hand and help them over the line.
That’s why the central tenet of my
belief is that there is more to life than individualism and self-interest.
We form families, communities, towns,
cities, counties and nations. We have a responsibility to one another.
And I firmly believe that government
has a responsibility too.
It is to act to encourage and nurture
those relationships, networks and institutions – and to step up to correct
injustices and tackle unfairness where it can – because these are the things
that can drive us apart.
That’s why I say today – as I have
always said – that my mission – and the mission of this party – is to build a
country that truly works for everyone, not just the privileged few.
It’s why when I stood on the steps of
Number 10 for the first time as Prime Minister 84 days ago, I said that the
Government I lead will be driven not by the interests of the rich and powerful,
but by the interests of ordinary, working class people.
And this week, we have shown the
country that we mean business.
Not just protecting, but enhancing
workers’ rights.
Building an economy that’s fair,
where everyone plays by the same rules.
Getting more houses built. More
doctors in the NHS.
Investing in things that will make
our economy grow.
Hundreds of great new schools.
Universities and fee-paying schools helping state schools to improve.
And yes, where parents want them and
where they’ll improve standards for children of whatever background – the first
new grammar schools to open in England for fifty years.
This is a bold plan to bring Britain
together. To build a new united Britain, rooted in the centre ground.
An agenda for a new modern
Conservatism. That understands the good government can do. That will never
hesitate to face down the powerful when they abuse their positions of
privilege.
That will always act in the interests
of ordinary, working class people.
That’s what government’s about:
action. It’s about doing something, not being someone.
About identifying injustices, finding
solutions, driving change. Taking, not shirking, the big decisions. Having the
courage to see things through.
It’s not always glamorous or
exciting, but at its best it’s a noble calling.
And where many just see government as
the problem, I want to show it can be part of the solution too.
And I know this to be true.
For as I leave the door of my office
at Number 10, I pass that famous staircase – the portraits of prime ministers
past lined up along the wall.
Men – and of course one woman – of
consequence, who have steered this country through difficult times – and
changed it for the better too.
There’s Disraeli, who saw division
and worked to heal it. Churchill, who confronted evil and had the strength to
overcome. Attlee, with the vision to build a great national institution. And
Lady Thatcher who taught us we could dream great dreams again.
Those portraits remind me of the good
that government can do.
That nothing good comes easy.
But with courage and vision and
determination you can always see things through.
And as I pass them every day, I
remember that our nation has been shaped by those who stepped up to be counted
when the big moments came.
Such opportunities are rare, but we
face such a moment today.
A moment that calls us to respond and
to reshape our nation once again.
Not every generation is given this
opportunity.
Not every generation called to step
up in such a way.
But this is our generation’s moment.
To write a new future upon the page.
To bring power home and make
decisions… here in Britain.
To take back control and shape our
future… here in Britain.
To build an outward looking, confident,
trading nation… here in Britain.
To build a stronger, fairer, brighter
future… here in Britain.
That is the opportunity we have been
given.
And the responsibility to grasp it
falls upon us all.
So to everyone here this morning –
and the millions beyond whether leavers or remain – I say:
Come with me and we’ll write that
brighter future.
Come with me and we’ll make that
change.
Come with me as we rise to meet this
moment.
Come with me and together let’s seize
the day.
May’s Speech To The
2017 World Economic Forum
This is the full text of the
speech delivered by British Prime Minister Theresa May to the World Economic
Forum in Davos, Switzerland on Thursday, January 19 2017:
This is an organisation that is, as it says in the
very first line of your Mission Statement, committed to “improving the state of
the world”. Those of us who meet here are all – by instinct and outlook –
optimists who believe in the power of public and private cooperation to make
the world of tomorrow better than the world of today. And we are all united in
our belief that that world will be built on the foundations of free trade,
partnership and globalisation.
Yet beyond the confines of this hall, those forces
for good that we so often take for granted are being called into question. The
forces of liberalism, free-trade and globalisation that have had – and continue
to have – such an overwhelmingly positive impact on our world…
That have harnessed unprecedented levels of wealth
and opportunity…
That have lifted millions out of poverty around the
world…
That have brought nations closer together, broken
down barriers and improved standards of living and consumer choice…
Forces that underpin the rules-based international
system that is key to our global prosperity and security, are somehow at risk
of being undermined.
And as we meet here this morning, across Europe
parties of the far left and the far right are seeking to exploit this
opportunity – gathering support by feeding off an underlying and keenly felt
sense among some people – often those on modest to low incomes living in
relatively rich countries around the West – that these forces are not working
for them.
And those parties – who embrace the politics of
division and despair; who offer easy answers; who claim to understand people’s
problems and always know what and who to blame – feed off something else too:
the sense among the public that mainstream political and business leaders have
failed to comprehend their legitimate concerns for too long.
This morning, I want to set out a manifesto for
change that responds to these concerns and shows that the politics of the
mainstream can deliver the change people need.
I want to show how, by taking a new approach that
harnesses the good of what works and changes what does not, we can maintain –
indeed we can build – support for the rules-based international system.
And I want to explain how, as we do so, the United
Kingdom – a country that has so often been at the forefront of economic and
social change – will step up to a new leadership role as the strongest and most
forceful advocate for business, free markets and free trade anywhere in the
world.
Brexit
For that is the unique opportunity that Britain now
has.
I speak to you this morning as the Prime Minister
of a country that faces the future with confidence.
For a little over six months ago, millions of my
fellow citizens upset the odds by voting – with determination and quiet resolve
– to leave the European Union and embrace the world.
Let us not underestimate the magnitude of that
decision. It means Britain must face up to a period of momentous change. It
means we must go through a tough negotiation and forge a new role for ourselves
in the world. It means accepting that the road ahead will be uncertain at
times, but believing that it leads towards a brighter future for our country’s
children, and grandchildren too.
So while it would have been easy for the British
people to shy away from taking such a path, they fixed their eyes on that
brighter future and chose a bold, ambitious course instead.
They chose to build a truly Global Britain.
I know that this – and the other reasons Britain
took such a decision – is not always well understood internationally, particularly
among our friends and allies in Europe. Some of our European partners feel that
we have turned our back on them. And I know many fear what our decision means
for the future of the EU itself.
But as I said in my speech earlier this week, our
decision to leave the European Union was no rejection of our friends in Europe,
with whom we share common interests and values and so much else. It was no
attempt to become more distant from them, or to cease the cooperation that has
helped to keep our continent secure and strong.
And nor was it an attempt to undermine the European
Union itself. It remains overwhelmingly and compellingly in Britain’s national
interest that the EU as an organisation should succeed.
It was simply a vote to restore, as we see it, our
parliamentary democracy and national self-determination. A vote to take control
and make decisions for ourselves.
And – crucially – to become even more global and
internationalist in action and in spirit too.
Because that is who we are as a nation. Britain’s
history and culture is profoundly internationalist.
We are a European country – and proud of our shared
European heritage – but we are also a country that has always looked beyond
Europe to the wider world.
That is why we are among the most racially diverse
countries in Europe, one of the most multicultural members of the European
Union, and why – whether we are talking about India, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, countries in Africa, Asia or those
that are closer to home in Europe – so many of us have close friends and
relatives from across the world.
And it is why we are by instinct a great, global,
trading nation that seeks to trade with countries not just in Europe but beyond
Europe too.
So at the heart of the plan I set out earlier this
week, is a determination to pursue a bold and ambitious Free Trade Agreement
between the UK and the European Union. But, more than that, we seek the freedom
to strike new trade deals with old friends and new allies right around the
world as well.
I am pleased that we have already started
discussions on future trade ties with countries like Australia, New Zealand and
India. While countries including China, Brazil, and the Gulf States have already
expressed their interest in striking trade deals with us.
It is about embracing genuine free trade, because
that is the basis of our prosperity but also the best way to cement the
multilateral partnerships and cooperation that help to build a better world.
For the challenges we face, like terrorism, climate
change and modern slavery, don’t stop at national borders. Nor do they stop at
the borders of continents. The challenges and opportunities before us, require
us to look outwards in a spirit of cooperation and partnership.
That is why, as I said in my speech on Tuesday, I
want the UK to emerge from this period of change as a truly Global Britain –
the best friend and neighbour to our European partners, but a country that
reaches beyond the borders of Europe too; a country that gets out into the
world to build relationships with old friends and new allies alike.
And that is exactly what we are going to do.
Global Britain
We are going to be a confident country that is in
control of its own destiny once again.
And it is because of that that we will be in a
position to act in this global role.
Because a country in control of its destiny is
more, not less able to play a full role in underpinning and strengthening the
multilateral rules-based system
A Global Britain is no less British because we are
a hub for foreign investment. Indeed, our biggest manufacturer, Tata, is Indian
– and you still can’t get more British than a Jaguar or a Land Rover.
Britain is no less British because it is home to people from around the world.
In fact, we derive so much of our strength from our diversity – we are a
multi-racial, multi-ethnic, multi-faith democracy, and we’re proud of it.
And Britain is no less British because we have led
the way in multilateral organisations like the UN, NATO, IMF and the World Bank
over many years.
Membership of these bodies magnifies all their
members’ ability to advance the common goods of peace, prosperity and security.
I believe strongly in a rules based global order.
The establishment of the institutions that give effect to it in the mid
twentieth century was a crucial foundation for much of the growing peace and
prosperity the world has enjoyed since. And the tragic history of the first
half of the last century reminds us of the cost of those institutions’ absence.
The litany of follies of that time are mistakes
that we should never forget and never repeat.
So we must uphold the institutions that enable the nations of the world to work
together.
And we must continue to promote international cooperation
wherever we can.
One example of that is modern slavery – a scourge
of our world, which we can only defeat if we work together, changing attitudes,
rooting out such abhorrent practices and prosecuting the perpetrators.
That is why at Davos this year I have convened a
high-level panel discussion to continue our co-ordinated effort to save those
many lives which are, tragically, being stolen.
International cooperation is vital. But we must
never forget that our first responsibility as governments it to serve the
people. And it is my firm belief that we – as governments, international
institutions, businesses and individuals – need to do more to respond to the
concerns of those who feel that the modern world has left them behind.
Economic reform
So in Britain, we have embarked on an ambitious
programme of economic and social reform that aims to ensure that, as we build
this Global Britain, we are able to take people with us. A programme that aims
to show how a strong Britain abroad can be a better Britain at home.
Because talk of greater globalisation can make
people fearful. For many, it means their jobs being outsourced and wages
undercut. It means having to sit back as they watch their communities change
around them.
And in their minds, it means watching as those who
prosper seem to play by a different set of rules, while for many life remains a
struggle as they get by, but don’t necessarily get on.
And these tensions and differences are increasingly
exposed and exploited through the expansion of new technologies and the growth
of social media.
But if we are to make the case for free markets,
free trade and globalisation, as we must, those of us who believe in them must
face up to and respond to the concerns people have.
And we must work together to shape new policies and
approaches that demonstrate their capacity to deliver for all of the people in
our respective countries.
I believe this challenge demands a new approach
from government. And it requires a new approach from business too.
For government, it means not just stepping back and
– as the prevailing orthodoxy in many countries has argued for so many years –
not just getting out of the way. Not just leaving businesses to get on with the
job and assuming that problems will just fix themselves.
It means stepping up to a new, active role that
backs businesses and ensures more people in all corners of the country share in
the benefits of its success.
And for business, it means doing even more to
spread those benefits to more people. It means playing by the same rules as
everyone else when it comes to tax and behaviour, because in the UK trust in
business runs at just 35% among those in the lowest income brackets. And it
means putting aside short-term considerations and investing in people and communities
for the long-term.
These are all things that I know the vast majority
of businesses do already. Not just by creating jobs, supporting smaller
businesses, training and developing people, but also by working to give
something back to communities and supporting the next generation.
Businesses large and small are the backbone of our
economies, and enterprise is the engine of our prosperity. That is why Britain
is – and will always be – open for business: open to investment in our
companies, infrastructure, universities and entrepreneurs. Open to those who
want to buy our goods and services. And open to talent and opportunities, from
the arts to technology, finance to manufacturing.
But, at the same time as promoting this openness,
we must heed the underlying feeling that there are some companies, particularly
those with a global reach, who are playing by a different set of rules to
ordinary, working people.
So it is essential for business to demonstrate
leadership. To show that, in this globalised world, everyone is playing by the
same rules, and that the benefits of economic success are there for all our
citizens.
This work is absolutely crucial if we are to
maintain public consent for a globalised economy and the businesses that
operate within it.
That is why I have talked a great deal about our
country delivering yet higher standards of corporate governance, to help make
the UK the best place to invest of any major economy.
That means several things.
It means businesses paying their fair share of tax,
recognising their obligations and duties to their employees and supply chains,
and trading in the right way;
Companies genuinely investing in – and becoming
part of – the communities and nations in which they operate, and abiding by the
responsibilities that implies;
And all of us taking steps towards addressing
executive pay and accountability to shareholders.
And that is why I welcome the World Economic
Forum’s ‘Compact for Responsive and Responsible Leadership’ that businesses are
being asked to sign up to at this conference.
It is this change – setting clear rules for
businesses to operate by, while embracing the liberalism and free trade that
enable them to thrive – which will allow us to conserve the ultimate good that
is a globalised economy.
I have no doubt at all about the vital role
business plays – not just in the economic life of a nation, but in society too.
But to respond to that sense of anxiety people feel, I believe we – business
and government working together – need to do even more to make the case.
That is why in Britain, we are developing a new
Modern Industrial Strategy. The term ‘industrial strategy’ has fallen into
something approaching disrepute in recent years, but I believe such a strategy
– that addresses the long-standing and structural weaknesses in our economy –
is essential if we are to promote the benefits of free markets and free trade
as we wish.
Our Strategy is not about propping up failing
industries or picking winners, but creating the conditions where winners can
emerge and grow. It is about backing those winners all the way to encourage
them to invest in the long-term future of Britain.
And about delivering jobs and economic growth to
every community and corner of the country.
We can’t leave all this to international market forces
alone, or just rely on an increase in overall prosperity.
Instead, we have to be practical and proactive – in
other words, we have to step up and take control – to ensure free trade and
globalisation work for everyone.
Social reform
At the same time, we have embarked on an ambitious
agenda of social reform that embraces the same principles. Active, engaged
government that steps up and works for everyone.
Because if you are someone who is just managing –
just getting by – you don’t need a government that will get out of the way. You
need an active government that will step up and champion the things that matter
to you.
Governments have traditionally been good at
identifying – if not always addressing – the problems and challenges faced by
the least disadvantaged in our societies.
However, the mission I have laid out for the
government I lead – to make Britain a country that works for everyone – goes
further. It is to build something that I have called the Shared Society – one
that doesn’t just value our individual rights but focuses rather more on the
responsibilities we have to one another. That respects the bonds that people
share – the bonds of family, community, citizenship and strong institutions.
And that recognises the obligations we have as
citizens – obligations that make our society work.
It is these bonds and obligations that make our
society strong and answer our basic human need for definition and identity.
And I am absolutely clear that it is the job of
government to encourage and nurture the relationships, networks and
institutions that provide that definition, and to correct the injustice and
unfairness that divides us wherever it is found.
Too often today, the responsibilities we have to
one another have been forgotten as the cult of individualism has taken hold,
and globalisation and the democratisation of communications has encouraged
people to look beyond their own communities and immediate networks in the name
of joining a broader global community.
To say this is not to argue against globalisation –
nor the benefits it brings – from modern travel and modern media to new
products in our shops and new opportunities for British companies to export
their goods to millions of consumers all around the world.
But just as we need to act to address the deeply
felt sense of economic inequality that has emerged in recent years, so we also
need to recognise the way in which a more global and individualistic world can
sometimes loosen the ties that bind our society together, leaving some people
feeling locked out and left behind.
Conclusion
I am determined to make sure that centre-ground,
mainstream politics can respond to the concerns people have today. I am
determined to stand up for free markets, free trade and globalisation, but also
to show how these forces can work for everyone.
And to do so, I turn to the words of the 18th
century philosopher Edmund Burke who said “a state without the means of some
change is without the means of its own conservation”.
That great Conservative principle – change in order
to conserve – is more important than ever in today’s complex geopolitical
environment.
And I feel it is of huge relevance to those of us
here in Davos this week.
And it is the principle that guides me as I lead
Britain through this period of change.
As we build a new, bold, confident Global Britain
and shape a new era of globalisation that genuinely works for all.
As we harness the forces of globalisation so that
the system works for everyone, and so maintain public support for that system
for generations to come.
I want that to be the legacy of our time.
To use this moment to provide responsive,
responsible leadership that will bring the benefits of free trade to every
corner of the world; that will lift millions more out of poverty and towards
prosperity; and that will deliver security, prosperity and belonging for all of
our people.
 |
| Theresa May |
Theresa May’s speech on Brexit
17 January 2017
A little over 6 months ago, the British people
voted for change.
They voted to shape a brighter future for our
country.
They voted to leave the European Union and embrace
the world.
And they did so with their eyes open: accepting
that the road ahead will be uncertain at times, but believing that it leads
towards a brighter future for their children — and their grandchildren too.
And it is the job of this government to deliver it.
That means more than negotiating our new relationship with the E.U. It means
taking the opportunity of this great moment of national change to step back and
ask ourselves what kind of country we want to be.
My answer is clear. I want this United Kingdom to
emerge from this period of change stronger, fairer, more united and more
outward-looking than ever before. I want us to be a secure, prosperous,
tolerant country — a magnet for international talent and a home to the pioneers
and innovators who will shape the world ahead. I want us to be a truly Global
Britain — the best friend and neighbor to our European partners, but a country
that reaches beyond the borders of Europe too. A country that goes out into the
world to build relationships with old friends and new allies alike.
I want Britain to be what we have the potential,
talent and ambition to be. A great, global trading nation that is respected
around the world and strong, confident and united at home.
That is why this government has a Plan for Britain.
One that gets us the right deal abroad but also ensures we get a better deal
for ordinary working people at home.
It’s why that plan sets out how we will use this
moment of change to build a stronger economy and a fairer society by embracing
genuine economic and social reform.
Why our new Modern Industrial Strategy is being
developed, to ensure every nation and area of the United Kingdom can make the
most of the opportunities ahead.
Why we will go further to reform our schools to
ensure every child has the knowledge and the skills they need to thrive in
post-Brexit Britain.
Why as we continue to bring the deficit down, we
will take a balanced approach by investing in our economic infrastructure —
because it can transform the growth potential of our economy and improve the
quality of people’s lives across the whole country.
It’s why we will put the preservation of our
precious Union at the heart of everything we do. Because it is only by coming
together as one great union of nations and people that we can make the most of
the opportunities ahead. The result of the referendum was not a decision to
turn inward and retreat from the world.
Because Britain’s history and culture is profoundly
internationalist.
We are a European country — and proud of our shared
European heritage — but we are also a country that has always looked beyond
Europe to the wider world. That is why we are one of the most racially diverse
countries in Europe, one of the most multicultural members of the European
Union, and why — whether we are talking about India, Pakistan, Bangladesh,
America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, countries in Africa or those that are
closer to home in Europe — so many of us have close friends and relatives from across
the world.
Instinctively, we want to travel to, study in,
trade with countries not just in Europe but beyond the borders of our
continent. Even now as we prepare to leave the E.U., we are planning for the
next biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in 2018 — a reminder of
our unique and proud global relationships.
And it is important to recognize this fact. June
the 23rd was not the moment Britain chose to step back from the world. It was
the moment we chose to build a truly Global Britain.
I know that this — and the other reasons Britain
took such a decision — is not always well understood among our friends and
allies in Europe. And I know many fear that this might herald the beginning of
a greater unravelling of the E.U.
But let me be clear: I do not want that to happen.
It would not be in the best interests of Britain. It remains overwhelmingly and
compellingly in Britain’s national interest that the E.U. should succeed. And
that is why I hope in the months and years ahead we will all reflect on the
lessons of Britain’s decision to leave.
So let me take this opportunity to set out the
reasons for our decision and to address the people of Europe directly.
It’s not simply because our history and culture is
profoundly internationalist, important though that is. Many in Britain have
always felt that the United Kingdom’s place in the European Union came at the
expense of our global ties, and of a bolder embrace of free trade with the
wider world.
There are other important reasons too.
Our political traditions are different. Unlike
other European countries, we have no written constitution, but the principle of
Parliamentary Sovereignty is the basis of our unwritten constitutional
settlement. We have only a recent history of devolved governance — though it
has rapidly embedded itself — and we have little history of coalition
government.
The public expect to be able to hold their
governments to account very directly, and as a result supranational
institutions as strong as those created by the European Union sit very uneasily
in relation to our political history and way of life.
And, while I know Britain might at times have been
seen as an awkward member state, the European Union has struggled to deal with
the diversity of its member countries and their interests. It bends towards
uniformity, not flexibility.
David Cameron’s negotiation was a valiant final
attempt to make it work for Britain — and I want to thank all those elsewhere
in Europe who helped him reach an agreement — but the blunt truth, as we know,
is that there was not enough flexibility on many important matters for a
majority of British voters.
Now I do not believe that these things apply
uniquely to Britain. Britain is not the only member state where there is a
strong attachment to accountable and democratic government, such a strong
internationalist mind-set, or a belief that diversity within Europe should be
celebrated. And so I believe there is a lesson in Brexit not just for Britain
but, if it wants to succeed, for the E.U. itself.
Because our continent’s great strength has always
been its diversity. And there are 2 ways of dealing with different interests.
You can respond by trying to hold things together by force, tightening a
vice-like grip that ends up crushing into tiny pieces the very things you want
to protect. Or you can respect difference, cherish it even, and reform the E.U.
so that it deals better with the wonderful diversity of its member states.
So to our friends across Europe, let me say this.
Our vote to leave the European Union was no
rejection of the values we share. The decision to leave the E.U. represents no
desire to become more distant to you, our friends and neighbors. It was no
attempt to do harm to the E.U. itself or to any of its remaining member states.
We do not want to turn the clock back to the days when Europe was less
peaceful, less secure and less able to trade freely. It was a vote to restore,
as we see it, our parliamentary democracy, national self-determination, and to
become even more global and internationalist in action and in spirit.
We will continue to be reliable partners, willing
allies and close friends. We want to buy your goods and services, sell you
ours, trade with you as freely as possible, and work with one another to make
sure we are all safer, more secure and more prosperous through continued
friendship.
You will still be welcome in this country as we
hope our citizens will be welcome in yours. At a time when together we face a
serious threat from our enemies, Britain’s unique intelligence capabilities
will continue to help to keep people in Europe safe from terrorism. And at a
time when there is growing concern about European security, Britain’s
servicemen and women, based in European countries including Estonia, Poland and
Romania, will continue to do their duty.
We are leaving the European Union, but we are not
leaving Europe.
And that is why we seek a new and equal partnership
— between an independent, self-governing, Global Britain and our friends and
allies in the E.U.
Not partial membership of the European Union,
associate membership of the European Union, or anything that leaves us half-in,
half-out. We do not seek to adopt a model already enjoyed by other countries.
We do not seek to hold on to bits of membership as we leave.
No, the United Kingdom is leaving the European
Union. And my job is to get the right deal for Britain as we do.
So today I want to outline our objectives for the
negotiation ahead. Twelve objectives that amount to one big goal: a new,
positive and constructive partnership between Britain and the European Union.
And as we negotiate that partnership, we will be
driven by some simple principles: we will provide as much certainty and clarity
as we can at every stage. And we will take this opportunity to make Britain
stronger, to make Britain fairer, and to build a more Global Britain too.
1. Certainty
The first objective is crucial. We will provide
certainty wherever we can.
We are about to enter a negotiation. That means there
will be give and take. There will have to be compromises. It will require
imagination on both sides. And not everybody will be able to know everything at
every stage.
But I recognize how important it is to provide
business, the public sector, and everybody with as much certainty as possible
as we move through the process.
So where we can offer that certainty, we will do
so.
That is why last year we acted quickly to give
clarity about farm payments and university funding. And it is why, as we repeal
the European Communities Act, we will convert the “acquis” — the body of
existing E.U. law — into British law.
This will give the country maximum certainty as we
leave the E.U. The same rules and laws will apply on the day after Brexit as
they did before. And it will be for the British Parliament to decide on any
changes to that law after full scrutiny and proper Parliamentary debate.
And when it comes to Parliament, there is one other
way in which I would like to provide certainty. I can confirm today that the
Government will put the final deal that is agreed between the UK and the E.U.
to a vote in both Houses of Parliament, before it comes into force.
Our second guiding principle is to build a stronger
Britain.
2. Control of our own laws
That means taking control of our own affairs, as
those who voted in their millions to leave the European Union demanded we must.
So we will take back control of our laws and bring
an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Britain. Leaving
the European Union will mean that our laws will be made in Westminster,
Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. And those laws will be interpreted by judges
not in Luxembourg but in courts across this country.
Because we will not have truly left the European
Union if we are not in control of our own laws.
3. Strengthen the Union
A stronger Britain demands that we do something
else — strengthen the precious union between the 4 nations of the United
Kingdom.
At this momentous time, it is more important than
ever that we face the future together, united by what makes us strong: the
bonds that unite us as a people, and our shared interest in the UK being an
open, successful trading nation in the future.
And I hope that same spirit of unity will apply in
Northern Ireland in particular over the coming months in the Assembly
elections, and the main parties there will work together to reestablish a
partnership government as soon as possible.
Foreign affairs are of course the responsibility of
the UK government, and in dealing with them we act in the interests of all
parts of the United Kingdom. As prime minister, I take that responsibility
seriously.
I have also been determined from the start that the
devolved administrations should be fully engaged in this process.
That is why the government has set up a Joint
Ministerial Committee on E.U. Negotiations, so ministers from each of the UK’s
devolved administrations can contribute to the process of planning for our
departure from the European Union.
We have already received a paper from the Scottish
government, and look forward to receiving a paper from the Welsh government
shortly. Both papers will be considered as part of this important process. We
won’t agree on everything, but I look forward to working with the
administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to deliver a Brexit
that works for the whole of the United Kingdom.
Part of that will mean working very carefully to
ensure that — as powers are repatriated from Brussels back to Britain — the
right powers are returned to Westminster, and the right powers are passed to
the devolved administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
As we do so, our guiding principle must be to
ensure that — as we leave the European Union — no new barriers to living and
doing business within our own Union are created,
That means maintaining the necessary common
standards and frameworks for our own domestic market, empowering the UK as an
open, trading nation to strike the best trade deals around the world, and
protecting the common resources of our islands.
And as we do this, I should equally be clear that
no decisions currently taken by the devolved administrations will be removed
from them.
4. Maintain the Common Travel Area
with Ireland
We cannot forget that, as we leave, the United
Kingdom will share a land border with the E.U., and maintaining that Common
Travel Area with the Republic of Ireland will be an important priority for the
UK in the talks ahead. There has been a Common Travel Area between the UK and
the Republic of Ireland for many years.
Indeed, it was formed before either of our 2
countries were members of the European Union. And the family ties and bonds of
affection that unite our 2 countries mean that there will always be a special
relationship between us.
So we will work to deliver a practical solution
that allows the maintenance of the Common Travel Area with the Republic, while
protecting the integrity of the United Kingdom’s immigration system.
Nobody wants to return to the borders of the past,
so we will make it a priority to deliver a practical solution as soon as we
can.
The third principle is to build a fairer Britain.
That means ensuring it is fair to everyone who lives and works in this country.
5. Control of immigration
And that is why we will ensure we can control
immigration to Britain from Europe.
We will continue to attract the brightest and the
best to work or study in Britain — indeed openness to international talent must
remain one of this country’s most distinctive assets — but that process must be
managed properly so that our immigration system serves the national interest.
So we will get control of the number of people
coming to Britain from the E.U.
Because while controlled immigration can bring
great benefits — filling skills shortages, delivering public services, making
British businesses the world-beaters they often are — when the numbers get too
high, public support for the system falters.
In the last decade or so, we have seen record
levels of net migration in Britain, and that sheer volume has put pressure on
public services, like schools, stretched our infrastructure, especially
housing, and put a downward pressure on wages for working class people. As home
secretary for 6 years, I know that you cannot control immigration overall when
there is free movement to Britain from Europe.
Britain is an open and tolerant country. We will
always want immigration, especially high-skilled immigration, we will always
want immigration from Europe, and we will always welcome individual migrants as
friends. But the message from the public before and during the referendum
campaign was clear: Brexit must mean control of the number of people who come
to Britain from Europe. And that is what we will deliver.
6. Rights for E.U. nationals in
Britain, and British nationals in the E.U.
Fairness demands that we deal with another issue as
soon as possible too. We want to guarantee the rights of E.U. citizens who are
already living in Britain, and the rights of British nationals in other member
states, as early as we can.
I have told other E.U. leaders that we could give
people the certainty they want straight away, and reach such a deal now.
Many of them favor such an agreement — 1 or 2
others do not — but I want everyone to know that it remains an important
priority for Britain — and for many other member states — to resolve this
challenge as soon as possible. Because it is the right and fair thing to do.
7. Protect workers’ rights
And a fairer Britain is a country that protects and
enhances the rights people have at work. That is why, as we translate the body
of European law into our domestic regulations, we will ensure that workers'
rights are fully protected and maintained.
Indeed, under my leadership, not only will the
government protect the rights of workers set out in European legislation, we
will build on them. Because under this government, we will make sure legal
protection for workers keeps pace with the changing labor market — and that the
voices of workers are heard by the boards of publicly-listed companies for the
first time.
But the great prize for this country — the
opportunity ahead — is to use this moment to build a truly Global Britain. A
country that reaches out to old friends and new allies alike. A great, global,
trading nation. And one of the firmest advocates for free trade anywhere in the
world.
8. Free trade with European markets
That starts with our close friends and neighbors in
Europe. So as a priority, we will pursue a bold and ambitious Free Trade
Agreement with the European Union.
This agreement should allow for the freest possible
trade in goods and services between Britain and the EU’s member states. It
should give British companies the maximum freedom to trade with and operate
within European markets — and let European businesses do the same in Britain.
But I want to be clear. What I am proposing cannot
mean membership of the Single Market.
European leaders have said many times that
membership means accepting the “4 freedoms” of goods, capital, services and
people. And being out of the E.U. but a member of the Single Market would mean
complying with the EU’s rules and regulations that implement those freedoms, without
having a vote on what those rules and regulations are. It would mean accepting
a role for the European Court of Justice that would see it still having direct
legal authority in our country.
It would to all intents and purposes mean not
leaving the E.U. at all.
And that is why both sides in the referendum
campaign made it clear that a vote to leave the E.U. would be a vote to leave
the Single Market.
So we do not seek membership of the Single Market.
Instead we seek the greatest possible access to it through a new,
comprehensive, bold and ambitious Free Trade Agreement.
That agreement may take in elements of current
Single Market arrangements in certain areas — on the export of cars and lorries
for example, or the freedom to provide financial services across national
borders — as it makes no sense to start again from scratch when Britain and the
remaining Member States have adhered to the same rules for so many years.
But I respect the position taken by European
leaders who have been clear about their position, just as I am clear about
mine. So an important part of the new strategic partnership we seek with the
E.U. will be the pursuit of the greatest possible access to the Single Market,
on a fully reciprocal basis, through a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement.
And because we will no longer be members of the
Single Market, we will not be required to contribute huge sums to the E.U.
budget. There may be some specific European programs in which we might want to
participate. If so, and this will be for us to decide, it is reasonable that we
should make an appropriate contribution. But the principle is clear: the days
of Britain making vast contributions to the European Union every year will end.
9. New trade agreements with other
countries
But it is not just trade with the E.U. we should be
interested in. A Global Britain must be free to strike trade agreements with
countries from outside the European Union too.
Because important though our trade with the E.U. is
and will remain, it is clear that the UK needs to increase significantly its
trade with the fastest growing export markets in the world.
Since joining the E.U., trade as a percentage of
GDP has broadly stagnated in the UK. That is why it is time for Britain to get
out into the world and rediscover its role as a great, global, trading nation.
This is such a priority for me that when I became
Prime Minister I established, for the first time, a Department for
International Trade, led by Liam Fox.
We want to get out into the wider world, to trade
and do business all around the globe. Countries including China, Brazil, and
the Gulf States have already expressed their interest in striking trade deals
with us. We have started discussions on future trade ties with countries like
Australia, New Zealand and India. And President-Elect Trump has said Britain is
not “at the back of the queue” for a trade deal with the United States, the
world’s biggest economy, but front of the line.
I know my emphasis on striking trade agreements
with countries outside Europe has led to questions about whether Britain seeks
to remain a member of the EU’s Customs Union. And it is true that full Customs
Union membership prevents us from negotiating our own comprehensive trade
deals.
Now, I want Britain to be able to negotiate its own
trade agreements. But I also want tariff-free trade with Europe and
cross-border trade there to be as frictionless as possible.
That means I do not want Britain to be part of the
Common Commercial Policy and I do not want us to be bound by the Common
External Tariff. These are the elements of the Customs Union that prevent us
from striking our own comprehensive trade agreements with other countries. But
I do want us to have a customs agreement with the E.U.
Whether that means we must reach a completely new
customs agreement, become an associate member of the Customs Union in some way,
or remain a signatory to some elements of it, I hold no preconceived position.
I have an open mind on how we do it. It is not the means that matter, but the
ends.
And those ends are clear: I want to remove as many
barriers to trade as possible. And I want Britain to be free to establish our
own tariff schedules at the World Trade Organization, meaning we can reach new
trade agreements not just with the European Union but with old friends and new
allies from outside Europe too.
10. The best place for science and
innovation
A Global Britain must also be a country that looks
to the future. That means being one of the best places in the world for science
and innovation.
One of our great strengths as a nation is the
breadth and depth of our academic and scientific communities, backed up by some
of the world’s best universities. And we have a proud history of leading and
supporting cutting-edge research and innovation.
So we will also welcome agreement to continue to
collaborate with our European partners on major science, research, and
technology initiatives.
From space exploration to clean energy to medical
technologies, Britain will remain at the forefront of collective endeavors to
better understand, and make better, the world in which we live.
11. Cooperation in the fight against
crime and terrorism
And a Global Britain will continue to cooperate
with its European partners in important areas such as crime, terrorism and foreign
affairs.
All of us in Europe face the challenge of
cross-border crime, a deadly terrorist threat, and the dangers presented by
hostile states. All of us share interests and values in common, values we want
to see projected around the world.
With the threats to our common security becoming
more serious, our response cannot be to cooperate with one another less, but to
work together more. I therefore want our future relationship with the European
Union to include practical arrangements on matters of law enforcement and the
sharing of intelligence material with our E.U. allies.
I am proud of the role Britain has played and will
continue to play in promoting Europe’s security. Britain has led Europe on the
measures needed to keep our continent secure — whether it is implementing
sanctions against Russia following its action in Crimea, working for peace and
stability in the Balkans, or securing Europe’s external border. We will
continue to work closely with our European allies in foreign and defense policy
even as we leave the E.U. itself.
12. A smooth, orderly Brexit
These are our objectives for the negotiation ahead
— objectives that will help to realize our ambition of shaping that stronger,
fairer, Global Britain that we want to see.
They are the basis for a new, strong, constructive
partnership with the European Union — a partnership of friends and allies, of
interests and values. A partnership for a strong E.U. and a strong UK.
But there is one further objective we are setting.
For as I have said before — it is in no one’s interests for there to be a
cliff-edge for business or a threat to stability, as we change from our
existing relationship to a new partnership with the E.U.
By this, I do not mean that we will seek some form
of unlimited transitional status, in which we find ourselves stuck forever in
some kind of permanent political purgatory. That would not be good for Britain,
but nor do I believe it would be good for the E.U.
Instead, I want us to have reached an agreement
about our future partnership by the time the 2-year Article 50 process has
concluded. From that point onwards, we believe a phased process of
implementation, in which both Britain and the E.U. institutions and member
states prepare for the new arrangements that will exist between us will be in
our mutual self-interest. This will give businesses enough time to plan and
prepare for those new arrangements.
This might be about our immigration controls,
customs systems or the way in which we cooperate on criminal justice matters.
Or it might be about the future legal and regulatory framework for financial
services. For each issue, the time we need to phase-in the new arrangements may
differ. Some might be introduced very quickly, some might take longer. And the
interim arrangements we rely upon are likely to be a matter of negotiation.
But the purpose is clear: we will seek to avoid a
disruptive cliff-edge, and we will do everything we can to phase in the new
arrangements we require as Britain and the E.U. move towards our new
partnership.
So, these are the objectives we have set. Certainty
wherever possible. Control of our own laws. Strengthening the United Kingdom.
Maintaining the Common Travel Area with Ireland. Control of immigration. Rights
for E.U. nationals in Britain, and British nationals in the E.U. Enhancing
rights for workers. Free trade with European markets. New trade agreements with
other countries. A leading role in science and innovation. Cooperation on
crime, terrorism and foreign affairs. And a phased approach, delivering a
smooth and orderly Brexit.
This is the framework of a deal that will herald a
new partnership between the UK and the E.U.
It is a comprehensive and carefully considered plan
that focuses on the ends, not just the means — with its eyes fixed firmly on the
future, and on the kind of country we will be once we leave.
It reflects the hard work of many in this room
today who have worked tirelessly to bring it together and to prepare this
country for the negotiation ahead.
And it will, I know, be debated and discussed at
length. That is only right. But those who urge us to reveal more — such as the
blow-by-blow details of our negotiating strategy, the areas in which we might
compromise, the places where we think there are potential trade-offs — will not
be acting in the national interest.
Because this is not a game or a time for opposition
for opposition’s sake. It is a crucial and sensitive negotiation that will
define the interests and the success of our country for many years to come. And
it is vital that we maintain our discipline.
That is why I have said before — and will continue
to say — that every stray word and every hyped up media report is going to make
it harder for us to get the right deal for Britain. Our opposite numbers in the
European Commission know it, which is why they are keeping their discipline.
And the ministers in this government know it too, which is why we will also
maintain ours.
So however frustrating some people find it, the
government will not be pressured into saying more than I believe it is in our
national interest to say. Because it is not my job to fill column inches with
daily updates, but to get the right deal for Britain. And that is what I intend
to do.
I am confident that a deal — and a new strategic
partnership between the UK and the E.U. — can be achieved.
This is firstly because, having held conversations
with almost every leader from every single E.U. member state; having spent time
talking to the senior figures from the European institutions, including
President Tusk, President Juncker, and President Schulz; and after my Cabinet
colleagues David Davis, Philip Hammond and Boris Johnson have done the same
with their interlocutors, I am confident that the vast majority want a positive
relationship between the UK and the E.U. after Brexit.
And I am confident that the objectives I am setting
out today are consistent with the needs of the E.U. and its member states.
That is why our objectives include a proposed Free
Trade Agreement between Britain and the European Union, and explicitly rule out
membership of the EU’s Single Market. Because when the EU’s leaders say they
believe the 4 freedoms of the Single Market are indivisible, we respect that
position. When the 27 member states say they want to continue their journey
inside the European Union, we not only respect that fact but support it.
Because we do not want to undermine the Single
Market, and we do not want to undermine the European Union. We want the E.U. to
be a success and we want its remaining member states to prosper. And of course
we want the same for Britain.
And the second reason I believe it is possible to
reach a good deal is that the kind of agreement I have described today is the
economically rational thing that both Britain and the E.U. should aim for.
Because trade is not a zero sum game: more of it makes us all more prosperous.
Free trade between Britain and the European Union means more trade, and more
trade means more jobs and more wealth creation. The erection of new barriers to
trade, meanwhile, means the reverse: less trade, fewer jobs, lower growth.
The third and final reason I believe we can come to
the right agreement is that cooperation between Britain and the E.U. is needed
not just when it comes to trade but when it comes to our security too.
Britain and France are Europe’s only 2 nuclear
powers. We are the only 2 European countries with permanent seats on the United
Nations Security Council. Britain’s armed forces are a crucial part of Europe’s
collective defense.
And our intelligence capabilities — unique in
Europe — have already saved countless lives in very many terrorist plots that
have been thwarted in countries across our continent. After Brexit, Britain
wants to be a good friend and neighbor in every way, and that includes
defending the safety and security of all of our citizens.
So I believe the framework I have outlined today is
in Britain’s interests. It is in Europe’s interests. And it is in the interests
of the wider world.
But I must be clear. Britain wants to remain a good
friend and neighbor to Europe. Yet I know there are some voices calling for a
punitive deal that punishes Britain and discourages other countries from taking
the same path.
That would be an act of calamitous self-harm for
the countries of Europe. And it would not be the act of a friend. Britain would
not — indeed we could not — accept such an approach. And while I am confident
that this scenario need never arise — while I am sure a positive agreement can
be reached — I am equally clear that no deal for Britain is better than a bad
deal for Britain.
Because we would still be able to trade with
Europe. We would be free to strike trade deals across the world. And we would
have the freedom to set the competitive tax rates and embrace the policies that
would attract the world’s best companies and biggest investors to Britain. And
— if we were excluded from accessing the Single Market — we would be free to
change the basis of Britain’s economic model.
But for the E.U., it would mean new barriers to
trade with one of the biggest economies in the world. It would jeopardize
investments in Britain by E.U. companies worth more than half a trillion
pounds. It would mean a loss of access for European firms to the financial
services of the City of London. It would risk exports from the E.U. to Britain
worth around £290 billion every year. And it would disrupt the sophisticated
and integrated supply chains upon which many E.U. companies rely.
Important sectors of the E.U. economy would also
suffer. We are a crucial — profitable — export market for Europe’s automotive
industry, as well as sectors including energy, food and drink, chemicals,
pharmaceuticals, and agriculture. These sectors employ millions of people
around Europe. And I do not believe that the EU’s leaders will seriously tell
German exporters, French farmers, Spanish fishermen, the young unemployed of
the euro zone, and millions of others, that they want to make them poorer, just
to punish Britain and make a political point.
For all these reasons — and because of our shared
values and the spirit of goodwill that exists on both sides — I am confident
that we will follow a better path. I am confident that a positive agreement can
be reached. It is right that the government should prepare for every
eventuality — but to do so in the knowledge that a constructive and optimistic
approach to the negotiations to come is in the best interests of Europe and the
best interests of Britain.
We do not approach these negotiations expecting
failure, but anticipating success.
Because we are a great, global nation with so much
to offer Europe and so much to offer the world.
One of the world’s largest and strongest economies.
With the finest intelligence services, the bravest armed forces, the most
effective hard and soft power, and friendships, partnerships and alliances in
every continent.
And another thing that’s important. The essential
ingredient of our success. The strength and support of 65 million people
willing us to make it happen.
Because after all the division and discord, the
country is coming together.
The referendum was divisive at times. And those
divisions have taken time to heal.
But one of the reasons that Britain’s democracy has
been such a success for so many years is that the strength of our identity as
one nation, the respect we show to one another as fellow citizens, and the
importance we attach to our institutions means that when a vote has been held
we all respect the result. The victors have the responsibility to act
magnanimously. The losers have the responsibility to respect the legitimacy of
the outcome. And the country comes together.
And that is what we are seeing today. Business
isn’t calling to reverse the result, but planning to make a success of it. The
House of Commons has voted overwhelmingly for us to get on with it. And the
overwhelming majority of people — however they voted — want us to get on with
it too.
So that is what we will do.
Not merely forming a new partnership with Europe,
but building a stronger, fairer, more Global Britain too.
And let that be the legacy of our time. The prize
towards which we work. The destination at which we arrive once the negotiation
is done.
And let us do it not for ourselves, but for those
who follow. For the country’s children and grandchildren too.
So that when future generations look back at this
time, they will judge us not only by the decision that we made, but by what we
made of that decision.
They will see that we shaped them a brighter
future.
They will know that we built them a better Britain.
